Rachel Reeves has handled this week's spending review comparable to a hesitant bather creeping into cold water, striving to lessen the hardship through incremental exposure.
She started dealing with the challenge of insufficient revenue towards the conclusion of summer. To begin with, she would not to stand by former statements that tax rises in the previous year's budget would be the ultimate ones.
Subsequently, earlier this month, she took a more significant step into the freezing waters. Her address promised to "take required actions" to support state services and control borrowing costs low.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had retracted the implication. The election promise remained intact ultimately. As any icy-water dipper understands, this aborted dive and trembling retreat is the worst of all approaches. Nothing prolongs the discomfort like indecision.
It can be challenging to be decisive when selecting between types of internally generated damage.
Optimism has not been a effective approach for this government. Central of the Labour leader's political platform was the futile hope of somehow satisfying the public's call for improved public services without undoing billions of pounds of Tory tax cuts.
At no point has either the prime minister or Reeves effectively communicated a feeling of national purpose to justify all this difficulty. Partly that is a issue of leadership presence. Starmer and Reeves are remarkably similar in their ineffective messaging, awkward and unforthcoming in a way that repels listeners back instead of drawing them towards them.
Just as public demand to fund public services has pushed the Treasury to concede that revenue must rise, the financial necessity of increasing prosperity makes it more challenging to disregard the price of detachment from the EU market.
Ministers devoted a year splashing in the early stages of realignment with the EU: plans to eliminate import controls on food items; a student movement initiative. Vision went a bit deeper on energy, defence and security cooperation, but nothing of substance has yet been finalized.
Without clear direction and drive from No 10, talks are bogged down. The European Commission says trading benefits are unlocked with contributions to the European funds. UK ministers understand that's the agreement. That doesn't make them enthusiastic for a visible argument and political opponents screaming disloyalty over the eventual amount ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has triggered some shift in Labour's rhetoric on the EU relationship. The chancellor has started citing leaving Europe alongside the Covid pandemic as a reason of commercial injury that the exchequer is striving to address. Cabinet members have done the same, although they cautiously ascribe the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the manner of departure", never just "withdrawal".
The issue of the nation's long-term partnership with the EU can't be limited to technical adjustments and customs systems when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. In light of everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels legitimate still to be posing the core matter: were Britain's interests served by departing the European Union?
These are harsh, difficult realities about Britain's position in uncertain global circumstances. It is not surprising that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the task. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into forces that they cannot resist. So as an alternative they persist nervously walking the water's edge, wishing that maybe soon the circumstances will shift.
A digital strategist with over a decade of experience helping businesses leverage technology for competitive advantage and sustainable growth.